Europe is run by the elites or so we are told, faceless bureaucrats and those who want to dominate militarily. People who say this should have a chat with Pat Nash, a Christian Brothers educated Limerick man with a love of hurling and rugby, with very little background in the corridors of power in Brussels. Pat took a fairly traditional route in the 60’s becoming a cadet in the Irish Army, like many a few spells in the Lebanon followed. Pat climbed through the career structure focussing more on overseas missions.

In 2007 Lieutenant General Pat Nash became one of the most important people in European Security and Defence Policy. Of course two Irish people have in succession held the most senior positions in the European Commission but to have the commander of a major EU mission coming form a small neutral country was somewhat historic.

The political and military situation in Central Africa is complex and difficult. The whole world however spoke at one during 2007 saying that action was needed to deal with the situation in Darfur where millions of people were being displaced. Much of the impact of this was being felt in the neighbouring countries of Chad and The Central African Republic, both with their own internal problems.

The United Nations passed Resolution 1778 in September 2007 and both Chad and CAR requested assistance to deal with the situation. The resolution stressed the protection of civilians, aid organisations and the need to stabilise the security situation. Nash was faced with a huge challenge in putting together a force which eventually had forces form 26 countries including non EU countries, Albania, Russia and Croatia

The mission presented massive logistical and political difficulties all of which had to be resolved in double quick time. In a country about 6 times the size of Ireland there was 500km of proper road and practically zero infrastructure in terms of transport and air travel. While logistical miracles were performed many of the shortcomings in the EU security architecture were present such as the lack of a permanent OHQ, the absence of dedicated air lift capacity and sufficient dedicated medical support.

It was widely recognised as one of the most dangerous missions that Ireland had ever been involved with and a surge in rebel activity to the Chadian capital N’Djamane delayed the start by some weeks. The military patrols and operations were supported by economic development projects. From start to finish the mission was to last for one year until a U.N. mission could be assembled, the UN clearly recognised the EU’s ability to deploy more rapidly and effectively.

Interestingly Nash has commented that the civilian and democratic oversight of this mission was second to none and far superior to that seen in the United Nations. The mission has been recognised all around as being an enormous success particularly considering the huge risk and complexity involved. The United Nations have now taken on the longer term tasks in the area.

So this is the actual rather than the imagined reality of European Security and Defence Policy. I can’t see any of the militarism or large country dominance so often spoken of in Ireland. In the Political and Security Committee where all the major operational decisions are made Ireland has one vote the same as every other member state. The actual changes in security and defence policies in Lisbon are quite minor. The creation of a foreign minister (it’s not the term used in the treaty) is actually much more minor with the High Representative for Foreign Policy becoming a member of both the Council and Commission to bring the work of both bodies together. All major decisions remain to be made by unanimity.

The most striking thing about this whole area is the gulf between the reality and the fantasy. The EUFOR operation in Chad is only one of many and even a cursory glance at Bosnia, Kosovo and the Congo shows that the founding principles of the ESDP are being translated on the ground. So Yes campaigners must see security and defence policy as a plus not a minus in our approach to EU integration. The legal guarantees from our EU partners cement this view. The EDA is given legal standing in the Treaty and this is covered elsewhere on this site. Suffice it to say it will strengthen and improve this work and that must be welcomed by all.

http://www.raco.ie/signalpdfs/Signal_Sep_08/Command_and_Control.pdf